Gustafsen 10

Gustafsen Lake Standoff-Archive: Several wrap Newspaper articles
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FREEDOM SOCIALIST news/editorial article
Sunday, September 24 at 01:10 pm
(Marcel Hatch) wrote:
"Mike Harcourt sides with corporations on Native Land Claims Subject: Government Stops Native Sovereignty in British Columbia -by Marcel Hatch, for the 'Freedom Socialist' newspaper THIS SPRING, THE UPPER NICOLA BAND blockaded roads leading to British Columbia's largest cattle spread, Douglas Lake Ranch, which encircles traditional Native fishing sites. The ranch is owned by the Woodward's retailing dynasty. By law, ranch owners are supposed to respect the band's right to fish in its accustomed places. But under NAFTA, beef and milk are being imported from the U.S., flooding the market and bringing down prices. Douglas Lake is therefore moving into tourism with a sports resort on the Upper Nicolas' hunting and fishing grounds; it charges customers as much as $100 a day to fish in Native waters such as Minnie and Salmon lakes. In 1989, ranch managers ordered gates locked and ditches dug across roads to the lakes, blocking Native access. The Upper Nicolas and ranch owners reached an agreement for joint use, but Douglas Lake failed to live up to it, provoking this year's confrontation. Other bands and supporters joined the blockade, just one of many such showdowns. Sixty percent of B.C.'s Aboriginal bands are embroiled in negotiations over land claims with the federal and provincial governments. NDP HOSTILE TO NATIONAL RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE. In British Columbia, most Aboriginal claims to territory have never been legally set aside. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 recognized bands as owner of their land. It mandated Crown governments in North America to sign treaties with individual indigenous nations before acquiring land for colonists. But the province of B.C. denied the existence of Indian rights, negotiated only a few isolated treaties in the 1850s, and so never officially gained control over Native lands. Therein lies the problem for business. Corporations want to eradicate claims by First Nations that cloud property titles. In 1992, the New Democratic Party was elected in B.C. over the anti-Indian, long-entrenched Social Credit Party, partly because the NDP promised to settle such claims. In December 1994, talks opened under the auspices of the B.C. Treaty Commission. As a party that bill itself as representing working people, the NDP should support First Nations against big business and take the position that their entire claim to B.C. is valid. Instead, it refuses to recognize Native justice systems, prohibits gambling on indigenous land, and seeks to tax Indian individuals and enterprises. The party expects the bands to accept title to only five percent of the province and to allow non-Native corporations full access to even this paltry area. The NDP is showing that it is hostile to the banks' fundamental right to self-determination -- their sovereignty as nations. BEWARE THE PLUNDERERS. The Indian movements is split on the Treaty Commission's right to settle claims. Sovereignty advocates who question the commission's legitimacy are being excluded from the talks. These traditionalist believe strongly in preserving the political, cultural and economic institutions of their pre-colonization societies -- and that means preserving the rights to the land on which these structures are based. On the commission, the unequal relationship between capital-starved banks and the government is leading some Native negotiators to settle for quick- fix real estate deals renouncing sovereignty, which is exactly what the corporations are after. Howard Adams, a prominent author, educator and activist who is Metis, says of the commission, ''It's not the way to gain sovereignty or self-determination - this can only be realized by a mass political movement which includes labour and other natural allies of First Nations.'' LAND CLAIMS UNQUENCHED. Trade-offs of national rights are especially short-sighted because, in many ways, the banks have the upper hand -- by virtue of their militancy, growing support from allies, and recent court victories recognizing indigenous communities. And their land claims, unextinguished after more than 200 years, remain a huge source of strength. As Chub Pascal, a Lillooet bank member and participant in the Douglas Lake blockade, told the Freedom Socialist, ''As far as we're concerned, we have yet to give up any of our rights, sovereignty, or land by any measure of international law.'' The NDP need to wake up, get out of bed with Douglas Lake Ranch, and start defending Native claims. The 'Freedom Socialist' is published quarterly and covers news and events from around the world. Subscriptions are $5.00 U.S. ($6.00 CAD) Write to 'Freedom Socialist' 5018 Rainier Avenue South, Seattle, WA 98118, or email for more information." Return to Page Table of Contents

Kahnawake Mohawks march against police killings at Ipperwash in Ontario From: MILLOY,MICHAEL-JOHN SHERIDAN, > The McGill Daily For more information contact: M-J Milloy co-ordinating editor, McGill Daily bkpi@musicb.mcgill.ca 514.398.6784 (phone) 514.398.8318 (fax) 3480 McTavish Room B.03 Montreal, PQ H3A 1X9 Right to reprint granted provided source is quoted. Copyright retained by the Daily Publications Society. Published in the September 11 Issue of the McGill Daily: In defense of native land Kahnawake Mohawks march against police killings in Ontario by M-J Milloy From the bed of the pick-up truck, David Beauvais could easily see the reminders of the last time his nation had to defend their land. "See where the road has been patched up, there and there?" She asked, pointing to two large patches of asphalt, one on each side of the road. R "That's where we dug holes with the back-hoe to slow down the tanks from reaching the barricades at Kahnawake,S he said. Flying over Beauvais' head was the red flag of the Mohawk Nation, and the blue flag of the Haudenosaunee, the traditional longhouse society. Those two symbols of Mohawk sovereignty led a long procession of cars and marchers from the Mohawk Nation. They were marching in a peaceful demonstration to support the native peoples at Ipperwash, Ontario, and Gustafsen Lake, British Columbia, who, like the Mohawks in 1990, have had to take decisive action to protect their land from the encroachment of Canadian authorities. Last Thursday at Ipperwash, three unarmed native people, including a 15 year-old boy, were shot dead by the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) while defending their territory. Meanwhile, in BC, a group of lightly armed native people have been besieged for the last three weeks by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) at the sacred site of their Sundance Ceremonies. Starting at the Kahnawake Sports Complex, over 300 men and women, elders and children blocked traffic on the highway from the Mercier Bridge to the non-native community of Chateauguay, on the South Shore of Montreal. They represented a diverse cross-section of the Mohawk community. Grandmothers rode in cars with children, whole families came out to march and to drive. At the head of the column, just behind the two lead trucks carrying the flags, there were always approximately 30 women, with strollers and children, carrying placards, marching in peace. Although there were many different faces from Kahnawake, they spoke with one voice about the recent actions of Canadian police forces against native people in both BC and Ontario. All condemned the police actions, and all demanded that continued aggression against native people on native land cease immediately. Despite the seriousness of the issues and the sadness of the events, the marchers held a peaceful and powerful demonstration Chateauguay residents, annoyed by the inconvenience to their Saturday drive, responded with obscenities and threats. Many drove past, glaring at the proud display of Mohawk independence and native solidarity, and some gave the finger to Mohawk children carrying signs demanding justice and peace. "Do you know why we're going this way, towards Chateauguay?" S asked Lester, the driver of the lead truck. "It's because they don't understand, they just don't understand who we are," he said. "Their people came here, gave us diseases, polluted our waters, took native land, and in 50 years, there won't be anything fucking left," he said. "You've killed us for too many years, and now a 15 year-old kid is dead," he continued, "and now it's time to do something." Stand-off in Ontario The march came only two days after the Ontario Provincial Police raided the native camp at Ipperwash Provincial Park, killing three native people. The encampment at Ipperwash Q over 300 native men, women and children, as well as some non-native supporters Q had recently re- established control over land that was taken over 50 years ago. In 1942 the Canadian government, under the War Measures Act, took 2000 acres of Kettle and Stoney Point First Nation land to build an army barracks. At the time, the government promised to eventually return the land. For 54 years the land remained in military hands, while the local native community grew more overcrowded. The 22 families moved TtemporarilyU from their land were forced to find permanent homes in the remaining territory. Two years ago, members of the Kettle and Stoney Point Band re- occupied a portion of the land. Since the area had been expropriated under the War Measures Act, they had no legal avenue to pursue to regain their stolen land. Even worse, the ground Q a traditional burial site Q had been desecrated by the army cadets, who used the area as a target range. One month ago, the situation escalated when another group of Stoney Pointers occupied all of the land, as well as part of an adjoining Provincial Park. The army withdrew. That temporary peace was shattered Thursday evening when new Ontario Premier Mike Harris sent in the OPP to clear out the unarmed native people. When the provincial police had finished shooting, three people were dead or dying, including Nicholas Cottrell, a 15 year-old boy. The police moved into the provincial park just after 11 o'clock at night. "There were lots of cops in riot gear, black uniforms and plastic shields, lined up from side to side in two rows," said Bernard George, an eyewitness to the shootings. "We waited for them to ask us to leave, but nothing was said. They did not even try and serve any kind of papers on us. We told them to get ff our land," he said. At this, the OPP retreated to about 50 feet away from the park entrance. "The cops started hitting their shields with metal riot sticks. We heard attack". "They attacked us," George said. The police then grabbed some people and started kicking and beating them. It was then that George heard someone suggest that they should run the police over with a school bus. The bus had just started up when the police opened fire. "I looked back and saw the flash from the guns pointed at us. They were shooting at us. Next thing I heard, Dudley George, my brother had been hit. We carried him back to the park." At first the police refused to allow Dudley George to be taken to the hospital in an ambulance, according to Claude Douglas, another witness to the shooting. When Dudley George was finally allowed medical treatment, he was taken to the local hospital and dumped onto an operating room floor. As he bled to death from an OPP bullet-wound, his sister was not allowed to see him, and was handcuffed in a waiting room. "Dudley George was unarmed, shot in the back," said Douglas. Pragmatic brutality by the premiers The shootings of the three Ipperwash native people, as well as the continuing siege at Gustafsen Lake in British Columbia, have been denounced by native groups across the country. Five years after Oka, native people are again being harassed, beaten, and killed as they attempt to protect their lands. For the Mohawks who marched on Saturday, the time to remain silent has passed. "We will not stand idly by while you continue to brutalise our people," said the Haudenosaunee, in a letter to Prime Minister Jean Chretien released before the march. Previous silence, the society reminded Chretien, has only resulted in "more guns, more bullets, more violence [towards native people] all at the expense of justice for our people." The letter demands that the murderers of Dudley George and Nicholas Cottrell "be identified and held accountable." It warns that further violence "will be answered in kind." But violence was certainly not the intent of the marchers in Kahnawake. They gathered together in a spirit of resistance and solidarity. Most importantly, they demanded a political solution to the problems, and an end to further violence from Canadian police forces. "This is a matter that the politicians of this country must deal with, not the police," said Kahn-Tineta Horn, a Mohawk leader. "They would not have sent the police against any other protesting group in this country. It is obvious the police throughout this country are racist. The politicians must deal with our demands." It is questionable, though, whether provincial and federal leaders have the political will, or even desire, to come to a peaceful and just solution. BC Premier Mike Harcourt has won political points in his province for his "tough handling" of the Gustafsen Lake crisis. After a summer of native blockades and fishing disputes, he has unscrupulously capitalised on public discontent. In a telling statement, Harcourt praised Ontario Premier Harris for his handling of Ipperwash, calling it a "good example" for Gustafsen Lake. Like Harcourt, Harris has shown a pragmatic brutality in native issues. In doing so, they have outlined how the growing neo-conservative climate in Canada might affect Canada's relations with native nations. Gone is any sense of justice, or historic obligation. All that remains in this new environment are politicians who see "native problems" as a convenient way to convince the non-native electorate that they are pragmatic and quick-acting leaders, committed to "common sense" against the excesses of the past. Leading the pack ideologically in this race is the federal Reform Party. Reform leader Preston Manning is on record as saying he opposes any form of native self-government, while his caucus MPs have made a habit of racist and derogatory statements about native people. Myron Thompson, a Reform MP from Alberta, recently compared native people to spoiled children, "who have to learn to live in the real world." Native people at Kahnawake, and across the country, see the "real world" in a fundamentally different way, one deeply influenced by the actions of the Canadian state. "We are supporting our allies against the terrorism of the Canadian state in Ontario and BC," said one marcher, who refused to be identified. "We oppose their illegal acts against our land and people, which they call enforcing the law. They are breaking the law by not honouring and respecting our treaties. We will not forget."

Whose "Law" and Whose "Order?" The Siege at Gustafsen Lake

Published in the Orientation Issue of the McGill Daily, September 7: -by M-J Milloy pull quotes: "What they are expressing in terms of sovereignty and aboriginal rights are, from my perspective, not extremist. I don't think we are squatters or trespassers in our own homeland." Saul Terry, Union of BC Indian Chiefs pull quotes: "They have no legal right to be there and there is no land claims process for that area. This is simply a law enforcement issue." Bruce Thompson, office the BC Attorney General The images seemed vaguely familiar as they were broadcast on the CBC evening news. Canadian soldiers and police, riding in armoured personnel carriers usually seen in photos of Bosnia or Somalia, surrounding an isolated encampment. Behind the razor wire were the "Indians", bandannas covering their faces, wearing camouflage jackets and carrying guns. For the second time in five years, the Canadian government has sent the police and army of the nation against a small group of native people defending their rights to the land. For almost two weeks, about twenty men and women " the Defenders of the Shushwap Nation " have been besieged by over one hundred Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). The Defenders have been camped on the land of a local cattle rancher, Lyle James, by Gustafsen Lake in the interior of British Columbia. They claim that they are asserting their right to the site as a sacred area, a site for Tamwanas " sundance ceremonies." The BC government, with most of the local media in tow, has been quick to paint the situation as a problem of "law and order". Staff Sergeant Peter Montague, the local RCMP commander on the scene, has called the Defenders "terrorists, criminals and thugs". Both the Attorney General, Ujjal Dosanjh, and the Premier, Mike Harcourt, have categorically denied that the Defenders have any legitimate claim to the site. Brent Thompson, a spokesperson for the Attorney General, said "we regard this as a problem for the RCMP, and we have complete confidence in their sensitivity and care in this issue." "They have no legal right to be there," he continued, "and there is no land claims process for that area. This is simply a law enforcement issue." In reality, however, the situation is much more complex. The Road to Gustafsen Lake The origins of the dispute go back six summers, to early 1989, when a local cattle rancher was approached by the Sundance Society of the Shushwap Nation to hold a 10 day sundance ceremony on the his ranch. For four years, James allowed the Society the 10 day period, until they moved to a different location. For the last two years, according to James, he has allowed a different group to hold the same sundance ceremony. This June, at the end of this year's sundance, James discovered that the Defenders had remained behind. He tried to evict them, but they refused, and the dispute began a slow but steady escalation to armed stand-off. The RCMP was quick to move into the area and establish an effective blockade. A news-release posted to the Internet by an observer in the area, Ernie Yacab, summarised the RCMP tactics: "[they] surrounded the camp with a heavily armed SWAT (Emergency Response Team)". Later reports suggested that reinforcements with dogs and more guns had moved into the area. The RCMP has banned anyone from going into or out of the camp, including Bruce Clark, the lawyer for the Defenders. As well, the RCMP, in control of the only radio-phone link to the Defenders camp, has allowed little contact with family or friends of the Defenders. Aside from manoeuvers on the ground, the RCMP started air manoeuver tactics. "They have been harassing the camp with low- level helicopter flights, provoking the expected rifle fire [from the Defenders]" says Yacab. Reminiscent of Oka, Rstandard psychological warfare tactics have begun " depriving [the Defenders] of sleep, food, communication, hope," concluded Kahn-Tineta Horn, from the Canadian Alliance in Solidarity with Native People. Tensions were further escalated by the shooting of two RCMP officers last week. While trying to clear a log from the front of the barricade, the two officers were hit by several rounds but were not injured due to their body-armour. The Defenders' lawyer, Clark, claimed the next day that the RCMP had started the shooting. Although the incident remains vague, what is clear is that the RCMP actions have so far not resulted in a peaceful settlement and have probably served only to provoke the lightly armed Defenders inside the camp. "One wonders how a peaceful settlement is possible when the police are demanding an unconditional surrender, have cut off communications, and are preparing to launch an armed assault on the camp whenever they deem necessary," said Yacab. "Where are their mediators and conflict resolution experts?" "We are not squatters on our homeland" The conflict at Gustafsen Lake has developed and remained unresolved due to powerful intersecting political interests. The conflict has quickly been used by all parties in the upcoming provincial election as an important political weapon. Writing in the Vancouver Sun, the leader of the provincial Reform Party, Jack Weisberger, used the conflict to argue for a "get-tough" policy on the province's native people. For Weisberger, Gustafsen Lake is "one more striking demonstration of the necessity of treating all Canadians equally under the law." This thinly-veiled racist attack on the inherent rights of the province's native people was echoed by the national Reform Leadership, who called for "quick action" to resolve the problem Q not ruling out the possible use of armed force by the RCMP. After a summer of conflicts between native groups and the province, the Gustafsen Lake situation has become symbolic of the NDPUs inability to improve native-non-native relations. In 1992, one of the NDPUs main election promises was to quickly resolve outstanding land claims, which cover the vast majority of the province. Their inability to do so has become a political liability. "The NDP has gone out and promised the sun, the moon, and just about everything in-between to the aboriginals," said Garry Farell- Collins, the Liberal House Leader. "Now they realise they can't deliver - economically or politically." In response to these opposition attacks, the NDP has suddenly moved from dialogue to force as the means to settle native grievances. Saul Terry, leader of the BC Union of Indian Chiefs, agrees that many people have been using Gustafsen Lake as justification for a "get tough" policy. The NDP has done this by consistently portraying the Defenders as criminals and contending that their claims are illegitimate. Attorney General Dosanjh has stated that "there is no logic in attempting to deal with [the Defenders]" in a political discussion. Dosanjh has been repeatedly supported by Premier Mike Harcourt in his decision to allow the RCMP to resolve the situation. Harcourt has stated that his Rpatience is wearing very thin." The BC government has received luke-warm support for their actions from the national and local native leadership. The local band council, the Cariboo Tribal Council, agreed with Dosanjh that there is "no significance to the cattle ranch land" being claimed by the Defenders. As well, they have condemned the Defenders for rejecting "all governments and laws... including the First Nations governments." The Grand Chief of the Assembly of First Nations, Ovide Mercredi, visited the camp over the weekend in an attempt to resolve the dispute. Although he condemned the use of violence, he rejected Dosanjh's characterisation of the Defenders. "The individuals are not terrorists," he said. "They are people with strong convictions " "they are not criminals." Although many native leaders disagree with their tactics, they concur with the beliefs of the Defenders. "What they are expressing in terms of sovereignty and aboriginal rights are, from my perspective, not extremist," said Saul Terry. "I don't think we are squatters or trespassers in our own homeland." Heroism or Terrorism? The BC government's objection to a political discussion with the Defenders appears all the more dubious when the historic relationship between natives and non-natives in British Columbia is considered. Unlike the rest of Canada, the territory of British Columbia was never signed away in treaties by native groups. Under the Proclamation of 1763 , the working constitution for the Canadian Colonies until 1867 , native nations retained all title to their land until relinquished in treaties. This never occurred in the territory now known as British Columbia. In a letter to the RCMP Staff Sergeant Peter Sarich, Bruce Clark outlines his legal argument for the Defenders. Since the land was never ceded to the Canadian government, he argues, it is illegal under the Proclamation and subsequent international law, for the government to exercise any power, such as the RCMP, in the area. Ironically, Clark is arguing for the exact same thing as the Attorney General. His main concern is to "uphold the law" " however, he views the British Columbian and Canadian governments as the illegitimate forces, not the Defenders in their makeshift camp. Clark explains that he and his clients are simply "doing their duty as the law defines it' " to resist continued trespassing of Canadian authorities on native land " and the Defenders are "prepared to have their lives forfeited for it." "Thousands upon thousands of Indian lives have been, and are being, lost," he wrote in response to a Vancouver journalist. These lives have been lost precisely because native communities have been "invaded and terrorised treasonably, fraudulently, and genocidally. The high mortality rates of natives in our country are a consequence of the legal establishment's crimes. My clients' intent at Gustafsen Lake is to save many lives at the risk of their own. That is heroism not terrorism." <><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><>




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